裕元集团的行动不应仅仅被视为劳资关系行动。这与社会问题有关。通常情况下，一个产业行动不会得到运动的支持，更多的是由工人在宣传的设置(Godard, and delaney, 2000)。然而，在裕元案中，人们注意到中国有基层劳工组织的支持。关注的焦点不仅是公司员工的工资问题，还在于以更合法、更有力的方式增强员工的意识。与公司签订合同的工人将以更全面的方式了解法律事实。在这样的工作环境下，裕元的工人抱怨说，他们受到了事实的误导。工人们没有得到承诺的东西。最初向工人们做出的承诺是，他们将获得更多的永久合同，但事实证明，他们只获得了临时合同。他们被招募时所作的承诺没有兑现。
从政治和经济方面考虑，未来这种形式的罢工将如何导致其他公司的劳资关系影响(Poole, 2013)。在罢工的一端，其它公司也会步裕元集团员工的后尘。在1978年改革运动以后的大多数工业组织中，人们注意到组织能够更好地依靠中国现有的低工资就业。中国的大多数产业都是劳动密集型产业，因此中国的经济发展完全依赖于劳动密集型低工资产业。在运用经济学理论时，可以说利润越大，员工的工资就应该越高，员工的整体权力就应该越大。然而，在这种情况下，员工似乎仍在与低工资作斗争。工人的收入分配非常不平等。在政治方面，中国政府已经意识到这一点，并开始鼓励工业组织和其他组织，以便帮助它们更好地为工人解决这些问题。事实上，中国政府已经提出了一些策略，但这些策略的有效性受到了挑战，因为工人们需要在工资等级等方面取得更快的进步。中国劳动力正变得更加大胆(Barboza， &Tabuchi, 2010)。在这种背景下，有许多基层运动被认为是争取更快加薪的先锋。这些基层运动可能会导致更多的人罢工，这可能会破坏社会稳定和经济。
This Yue Yuen action is to be viewed as something more than just an industrial relation actions. There are social issues associated with it. Usually an industrial action would not be supported by campaigns and more by workers in a propaganda like setting (Godard, andDelaney, 2000). However, in the case of the Yu Yuen issue it is noticed that there was support by grassroots labour organizations in China. The focus was not only on the salary issues of the people in the company, but was also on increasing a sense of the worker’s consciousness in a more legal and powerful way. Workers being enrolled into contracts with companies are to be presented with the legal facts in a more comprehensive way. In this work setting, Yu Yuen workers complain that there was fact misrepresentation made to them. The workers were not given what they were promised. The initial promise made to the workers was that they would be given more permanent deals, however as it turns out they were given only temporary deals. The bargain promise that was made to them when they were recruited was not kept.
In terms of political and economic aspects consider how this form of a strike in the future could lead to the industrial relations effects in other companies (Poole, 2013). At one end the strike would lead to other companies also following in the same step as the employees of Yue Yuen. In most industrial organizations after the reformation movements of 1978, it was noticed that organizations were able to better rely on the low wage employment that was available in China. Most industries in China were labour intensive and hence the economic development of the country was totally dependent on the labour intensive low wage sector. When applying economic theories, it could be said that with more profit, the salaries of the employees should have been increased and overall there should have been better power for the employees. In this case however, employees are seen to be struggling with low wages still. There is a very unequal distribution with respect to the income of workers. On the political end, the Chinese Government has become aware of this and have stared encouraging industrial organizations and more in order to help them address these issues for workers better. The Chinese Government has in fact come up with some strategies, but the efficacy of strategies is challenged because the workers need more rapid advances when it comes to pay grades and more. Chinese labor forces are becoming bolder (Barboza, &Tabuchi, 2010). In this context there are many grass roots movements that are considered to be pioneering for faster salary upgrades. These grassroots movements could lead to many more people going on strike and this could undermine the social stability and economy.