核裁军运动是20世纪50年代英国准备进行一系列核试验时成立的压力团体之一。CND于1958年正式成立。在测试开始前的一段时间里，CND的重点是转移工党的支持。有人建议50到60人从特拉法加广场游行到原子研究工厂。可用的资金大约是100英镑和13先令。随着来自大学和左翼政党的政治支持者的增加，参加游行的人数大幅增加。奥尔德马斯顿进行曲是第一次进行曲，然而，这次进行曲没有多少组织。在第二届奥尔德马斯顿游行的计划中，组织者预计大约会有700到800名游行者参加。当时大约有4300名游行者在场。他们中的大多数是年轻一代，来自工厂、办公室、学校等等。其中一些是小孩子。来自委内瑞拉、伊拉克、澳大利亚、塞浦路斯等国的人们也参加了此次活动。特拉法加广场上有两万多名抗议者。第二次演示比第一次演示更好。压力集团制造了一种真正的紧张气氛。然而，今年3月再次提醒我们，压力集团虽然积聚了动力，获得了认可，但却未能在政策制定中发挥关键作用(McKay, 2003)。短短几天内的第二次示威之后，游行的激情已经消退。虽然CND作为政党需要考虑的一种政治力量而得到承认，但其产生和聚集追随者的原因似乎并没有得到发展。由于后来的领导冲突、提案国之间的冲突以及来自其他国家的突出和更现实的威胁，使许多人改变了他们对核裁军问题的看法，北朝鲜民主主义人民共和国并没有使其成为一个引人注目或强大的压力集团。由于压力运动及其对英国政治的贡献仍然是一个重要因素，因此对CND进行了实证研究。战后的运动在连接不同阶层的人方面确实很重要，因此随之而来的是，像CND这样的运动也能将他们纳入其中。社会学家弗兰克·帕克(Frank Parking)在3月对CND的一项研究中指出，他们的研究显示，参与CND的人中，约83%是专业、管理和白领工人。83%是从成人样本中抽取的。一名白领工人将在行政环境中工作，因此将被更多地排除在英国的边缘人群之外，而英国的边缘人群通常会受到压力团体的授权。在青年样本中，大约62%的人被认为是白领工人(Grant, 2003)。只有一小部分是无技能或体力劳动者，其他的则介于牧师、讲师等之间。在参加CND的年轻人中，弗兰克·帕金收集的主要研究数据能够证明，61%以上的人受过良好的教育，无论是在文法学校还是公立学校。55%的人接受继续教育，64%的人从事社会工作、新闻等福利行业(Grant, 2003)。他们也在非营利组织工作或参与其他激进的社会运动。从这项研究中观察到，CND的许多成员都有抗议的历史，从前卫的海报抗议者、街头剧院、涂鸦等等。后来进行的关于公众积极参与抗议游行的其他研究似乎表明，正在避免直接参与(Grant, 2003)。
The CND or the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament was one of the pressure groups that was created during the 1950’s when the United Kingdom was about to conduct a series of nuclear tests. The CND was formally launched in the year 1958. During the time before the tests was conducted, CND focused on moving the Labour party which was more supportive of it. A march of fifty to sixty people from the Trafalgar Square to the atomic research plant was suggested. The funds available for this were a little around 100 pounds and 13 shillings. With political supporters increasing from Universities and Left Review parties, the number of people to take part in the march increased substantially. The Aldermaston march was the first march, however, this was one where there was not much organization. In the planning for the second Aldermaston march, the organizers expected around 700-800 marchers to show up. About 4,300 marchers were present at this time. Most of them were a younger demographic profile, from factories, office settings, schools and more. Some of them were young children. People from different countries also showed up such as from Venezuela, Iraq, Australia, Cyprus and more. There were more than 20,000 numbers at the Trafalgar square. The second demonstration was better than the first one. There was a genuine tension created by the pressure group. However, this march once again serves to remind how the pressure group although gathering momentum and recognition fails to play a critical role in policy making (McKay, 2003). After the second demonstration in just a few days, the excitement of the march had run down. While CND did get recognition as a political force for the political parties to consider, the very cause for which they were created and for which they gather followers did not seem to take momentum. With later leadership conflicts, conflicts between sponsors and an eminent and more realistic threat from other countries made many change their opinion on the nuclear disarmament issue and the CND did not make it as a high profile or powerful pressure group. Empirical studies have been conducted on the CND because pressure movements and their contributions to British politics continued to be a significant factor. Post-war movements were indeed significant in connecting people of different classes and so it followed that movements like the CND would be able to incorporate them as well. Sociologist Frank Parking in a study on CND march and their work shows that around 83 percent of the people participating in the CND were professional, managerial and white collar workers. The 83 percent was drawn from the adult sample. A white collar worker would be working in an administrative setting and as such would be much more removed from the marginalized classes of population in the United Kingdom that pressure groups usually claim to empower. In the youth sample, around 62 percent were seen to be white collar workers (Grant, 2003). Only a small percentage was unskilled or manual workers, others varied in between as clergymen, lecturers, etc. In the youth population that took part in the CND, the primary research data that Frank Parkin collected was able to establish that more than a 61 percent of the population was well educated, in either a grammar school or a public school. 55 percent were continuing education and 64 percent of the population were in some area of a welfare profession like social work, journalism and more (Grant, 2003). They also worked in nonprofit organizations or were involved in other radical social movements. Many of the CND members as observed from the study had a track history of protest from being avant-garde poster protestors, street theatre, graffiti and more. Other studies that were conducted later on the active participation of the public in protest marches seemed to indicate that direct participation was being avoided (Grant, 2003).